Hindutwa versus cast census
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After the Uttar Pradesh state polls, there is an impression that Hindutva has become a solid unifying glue between social groups, and the BJP is near unbeatable in the Hindi belt. Yet, certain political moves have begun in neighbouring Bihar that involves the demand for a caste census, pushed by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and the principal opposition party in the state, the RJD. The BJP, part of the Nitish Kumar led coalition government in the state, would, however, prefer to avoid this altogether. It's complicated and, therefore, essential to understand the fundamentals. First, the BJP has made massive inroads among OBCs in north India, yet their support base among upper castes is much more solid, with OBC voters fluctuating in their choices in national and state polls. A caste census would show greater numbers of OBCs and a reduced population of upper castes and can eventually be the trigger for demanding that the 50 per cent cap on reservation be lifted. This is the reason is BJP is opposing cast census. Otherwise it will pave the way of many OBC leaders ambitions may ignite more than they are in present condition. This is something that makes the RSS/BJP deeply uneasy. Indeed, it may be recalled that during the 2015 Bihar state polls, when Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD and Nitish Kumar's JD(U) fought together and defeated the BJP, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had muddied the waters with a remark that eventually there would have to be a review of the reservation policy. As Lalu Prasad Yadav would then tell me in an interview, the minute he heard the remark, he knew they had lost and "hum jump kiya". There can be a counter agreement that BJP has been giving more representation to OBCs and a significant change has been there. So the national party may have nothing to fear from the largest number of OBCs in the country. But according to experts, even after big win for BJP in Uttar Pradesh, upper cast remained dominant and there is no voice for OBCs even in so big in number. On the data basis, currently forty three percent of UP MLAs are from upper casts and they represent a society of one fifth of state society. This is inevitable as BJP has a strong base of upper casts and so they will remain dominant as in the power days of Congress, other casts were in great dominance. Nitish has logic in his demand that when OBCs make up fifty percent of population, one third MLAs are from OBCs. Now there is a misunderstanding which is entirely neglected by every politician which is blind with castiest politics. It is not necessary that only upper cast representatives will only work in the interest of upper casts or vice versa. But, our entire polity is impressed by this wrong thinking that if representative comes from which cast, he or she will see only the interest of that cast. Nitish can argue that even BJP does some sort of social engineering, the power remains in the hands of upper casts. But actually instead of seeing the welfare of OBCs, Nitish has a clandestine agenda of raising himself as one of the champions of OBCs and to defeat Modi in his battle. The interest of OBCs is a latter thing. Nitish also knows that Modi himself belongs to OBC cast and so he can’t directly attack on him. So he indirectly is trying to challenge him. This may be a complicated nature of this battle between Modi and Nitish. Sangh Pariwar is predominantly led by Brahmin leaders, but they always think beyond Brahmin or upper cast dominance and there is no castism in Sangh Pariwar. This is another impediment in Nitish’s direct attack on Sangh Pariwar. Cast census is mere a sake of taking on Modi for Nitish.